
Signed in March 2016, the Türkiye–EU border externalization deal included benefits but also required actions from both parties involved. It established that the European Union (EU) would waive visa requirements for Turkish citizens and aimed to advance Türkiye’s EU accession process, facilitate the resettlement of certain asylum seekers from Türkiye to EU member states, and provide financial assistance in return for Türkiye’s efforts to curb irregular migration toward EU territory and accept back all new irregular migrants arriving in Greece. Both parties also agreed to work together to initiate procedures to modernize and extend the Customs Union and to address Syria’s humanitarian crisis by preventing further displacement and ensuring coordinated aid access to those in need.
The agreement has prevented thousands of people from entering EU member states through irregular routes and has allowed many of those who were in the EU irregularly to be returned to Türkiye. The return measure, initially described as “temporary and extraordinary”, nevertheless remained in effect for several years. It was suspended during the COVID-19 pandemic and has not resumed since.
In this context, it is important to understand that these people were being sent to Türkiye, which had been considered by the EU a safe country. However, as early as 2016, cases of child sexual abuse in Turkish refugee camps gained international media attention, and the Turkish government was accused of forcibly returning Syrians to war zones in Syria (DW, 2016), illustrating the challenges the country faced in ensuring their protection.
In November 2016, the European Commission’s annual report on Türkiye’s accession process noted a deterioration in the country’s respect for human rights. It revealed a double standard: while human rights concerns were sufficient to delay Türkiye’s EU accession, they did not prevent the EU from continuing to send migrants to the same country under the pretext of it being “safe.”
Participation in the resettlement scheme was voluntary, and the European Commission also stated that the total number of resettlements would be capped at approximately 54 thousand. By the end of 2023, just over 40 thousand people had been resettled. Although this is a significant achievement, the resettled population represents approximately 1.3% of the refugees hosted in Türkiye.
Concerning the enhancement of the Facility for Refugees in Türkiye, the EU agreed to fast-track €3 billion in funding through the Facility to support projects in areas such as health, education, infrastructure, and food for those under temporary protection. An additional €3 billion was promised if the agreement was fully implemented by the end of 2017, and both tranches have since been disbursed by the EU.
In terms of visa liberalization for Turkish citizens traveling to the EU and progress in Türkiye’s EU accession process, little to no advancement has been made. Nearly a decade after the agreement, Türkiye is still not part of the EU, and Turkish citizens remain subject to visa requirements when entering EU member states. This suggests that the interests of wealthier countries often prevail, while those of less powerful partners are frequently subordinated, reflecting international power imbalances.
In conclusion, while the 2016 Türkiye–EU agreement achieved its primary goal of reducing irregular migration to the EU and channeling significant financial support to assist refugees in Türkiye, it also exposed deep ethical and political contradictions. The deal’s implementation highlighted the EU’s reliance on external partners to manage migration, often at the expense of human rights principles. Türkiye, in turn, bore a disproportionate share of the humanitarian burden without receiving the long-promised progress on visa liberalization or EU accession. Nearly a decade later, the agreement stands as both a testament to pragmatic cooperation and a reminder of the unequal power dynamics shaping migration governance between the EU and its neighboring states.
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