Join student editor, Jaime, for a discussion with Evan Vipond, a PhD Candidate in Gender, Feminist and Women’s Studies at York University, and Pierre Cloutier de Repentigny, an Assistant Professor at the Department of Law and Legal Studies of Carleton University. Jaime speaks with Evan and Pierre about their article in the Dalhousie Law Journal, titled, “Searching for Justice: Moving Towards a Trans Inclusive Model of Access to Justice in Canada.” The conversation raises important critiques about current access to justice approaches, but also provides insight into what structural changes are required to address access to justice issues facing trans people.
DLJ Podcast – Episode 41 – Prof Sheila Wildeman – Critical Pathways to Disability Decarceration
Join Lan Keenan, student editor at the Dalhousie Law Journal, as they sit down with Associate Professor Sheila Wildeman of the Schulich School of Law at Dalhousie University for a thought-provoking discussion related to Sheila’s recent publication “Critical Pathways to Disability Decarceration” in the feminists@law journal. The conversation navigates the intricate intersections of critical disability studies and anti-carceral movements, inspired by pivotal discussions at the Law and Society Association’s Annual Meeting in May 2021, themed “Decarcerating Disability.”
DLJ Podcast – Episode 40 – Prof. Joanna Erdman – Abortion At-Home and At-Law During a Pandemic
Join student editor, Amelia, for a discussion with Professor Joanna Erdman of the Schulich School of Law and the McBain Chair in Health Law and Policy. Amelia and Professor Erdman talk about her chapter “Abortion At-Home and At-Law During a Pandemic” in COVID-19 and the Law: Disruption, Impact and Legacy, edited by Glenn Cohen, Abbe R. Gluck, Katherine Kraschel, Carmel Shachar (Cambridge University Press). The conversation touches on the central themes of the book chapter, connecting them to a recent string of prosecutions in the UK related to home abortions during the pandemic, public pushback, and the future of abortion law and policy.
DLJ Podcast – Episode 39 – Prof. Colin Jackson – Articulation of OSP in Deans Knight
Join student editor, Christian, for a discussion with Associate Professor and Associate Dean (Graduate Studies) Colin Jackson of the Schulich School of Law at Dalhousie University. Christian and Colin discuss his recent article in Perspectives on Tax Law & Policy, titled, “Articulation of OSP in Deans Knight”. The conversation covers current interpretation of the general anti-avoidance rule and touches on how imminent changes to the rule might shape legal disputes.
DLJ Podcast – Episode 38 – Prof. Anthony Rosborough – Toward a Canadian Right to Repair
Join student editor, Charlie, for a discussion with Assistant Professor Anthony Rosborough of the Schulich School of Law and the Faculty of Computer Science at Dalhousie University. Charlie and Anthony talk about his recent article in the Berkeley Technology Law Journal, titled, “Toward a Canadian Right to Repair: Opportunities and Challenges.” The conversation underscores the importance of a right to repair for Canadians by approaching the issue through both an IP and competition lens.
DLJ Podcast – Episode 37 – Dr. Agnieszka Doll – Legalization of Psychedelics in Canada
Join student editor, Patricia Doiron, as she sits down with Dr. Agnieszka Doll to discuss the story of the legalization of psychedelics in Canada. Dr. Doll is a socio-legal scholar in law, health, science and regulation and an Assistant Professor at the Department of History and Sociology at the University of British Columbia Okanagan. The discussion looks at the network of actors who have played various yet intersecting roles in the process of psychedelic legalization in Canada, the Food and Drugs Act, and regulatory pathways which advocacy regulatory efforts have been streamlined in Canada.
DLJ Podcast – Ep 36 – Melisa Marsman – A Critical Race Analysis of the Nova Scotia Land Titles Clarification Act
Join student editor, Gavin, as he sits down with Professor Melisa Marsman of the Schulich School of Law to discuss her forthcoming article, “Good Deeds? A Critical Race Analysis of the Nova Scotia Land Titles Clarification Act.” Gavin and Melisa discuss the title insecurity faced by African Nova Scotian communities, and examine Nova Scotia’s efforts on land titles clarification through the lens of interest-convergence theory.
Goldilocks Pleading: Framing a “Just Right” Claim in Rights-based Climate Change Litigation in Canada
Goldilocks Pleading: Framing a “Just Right” Claim in Rights-based Climate Change Litigation in Canada
By: Professor Camille Cameron, K.C., Professor, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University; Riley Weyman, Pape Salter Teillet LLP, Toronto, Ontario; Claire Nicholson, JD 2024, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University. We thank the Canadian Foundation for Legal Research for their financial support for this project.
A current feature of climate change litigation in Canada is claims based on violations of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the “Charter”). We have written about these claims in Legal Hurdles and Pathways: the Evolution (Progress?) of Climate Change Adjudication in Canada, (2024) 47:2 Dal LJ, forthcoming, and available here. In that article, we examine various aspects of these claims and related jurisprudence, including justiciability and the applicability of sections 7 and 15 of the Charter.
In this blog, we will look at two procedural issues that arise in these cases, one relating to pleadings and the other to remedies.
The challenges of drafting appropriate pleadings in complex cases like Mathur1 and La Rose2 figure prominently in both judgments. In our analysis of Mathur, we describe the pleadings challenge the applicants faced as a “heads you lose, tails you lose” situation. The applicants had to plead narrowly to avoid dismissal for non-justiciability; this was a necessary strategic choice considering the state of the law in Canada regarding justiciability and the viability of a positive rights claim under section 7 of the Charter. The applicants framed their case narrowly with reference to Ontario’s Cap and Trade Cancellation Act, SO 2018, c 13 (the “CTCA”), and the emissions targets set pursuant to the CTCA (the “Target”), rather than as a broader positive rights case challenging a wide range of government action and inaction. This strategic choice allowed them to overcome the justiciability hurdle, but limited the scope of government action the court could consider when evaluating their Charter claims.3
Additionally, the Mathur applicants framed their section 7 argument as a negative rights challenge and only made positive rights arguments in the alternative. The court “disagree[d] with the Applicants that this is not a positive rights case” and analysed the applicants’ claim on the basis of positive rights. While the court found the applicants had made “a compelling case that climate change and the existential threat that it poses to human life and security of the person present ‘special circumstances’ that could justify the imposition of positive obligations under section 7,”4 the court determined that a new test would “very likely” be required to support such a positive rights claim.5 As the applicants’ primary position was that this was not a positive rights case, they did not address the issue of a new test for a positive rights claim in any detail, and the court was unwilling to establish a new test without argument on the matter. This was a hearing on the merits, and a pleadings amendment was not an option. The case was dismissed.
In La Rose, the claimants found themselves in a similar situation, although for different reasons. While in Mathur the applicants’ narrow pleadings limited their Charter claims’ success, in La Rose, at the hearing on the motion to strike, the Federal Court (“FC”) dismissed the case as non-justiciable, in part because the pleadings were “overly broad and diffuse.”6 On appeal, the Federal Court of Appeal (“FCA”) took a different approach. While it accepted that the pleadings were too broad and diffuse to meet “the threshold standard in constitutional litigation that specific laws or actions be targeted,” it found the claimants’ section 7 claims were justiciable and therefore gave them leave to amend the pleadings “to address this lack of focus.”7
The FCA in La Rose was alert to the risk that, just as Canada had argued (successfully) at the motion to strike that the pleadings lacked sufficient focus, they might at trial rely on an opposite argument that the pleadings, post-amendment, were now too narrow.8 They might, for example, argue that as there are foreign sources of GHG emissions, the narrow pleadings fail because there is no link between the harm and Canada’s conduct.9 The FCA described this as the possibility of a “shell game” and a “now you see me, now you don’t” situation, according to which a government could move to strike a claim on the basis that pleadings are too broad, or alternatively too narrow.10 The FCA identified as one response to this concern that the possibility of other causes of the alleged infringement does not rule out a constitutional challenge.11
Another related procedural issue in La Rose relates to remedy. The claimants argued that their claims for relief—a series of declarations, mandatory orders, and supervision—were conventional legal remedies to correct breaches of section 7 of the Charter. On the motion to strike, the FC concluded that the remedies requested “overreached the institutional competence of the Court.”12 This is another reason why the FC granted Canada’s motion to strike for non-justiciability. The FCA rejected this approach, cautioning that “overly focusing on remedies at the justiciability stage may place ‘undue and unwise limits’ on judicial oversight of the law.”13 Referring to the Khadr case, the FCA noted that declaratory relief is an option in such circumstances.14 In Boundaries of Judicial Review, Sossin gave a similar caution: “[w]here the concern over another branch of government relates to implementing a remedy, the doctrine of justiciability should not be invoked.”15 In Sossin’s view, courts are “best placed to determine rights and obligations through declaratory judgments which governments must then implement.”16
A variation on this approach to declaratory remedies in rights-based climate change claims was proposed by the applicants at the Mathur appeal hearing. That appeal was heard on January 15, 2024, by the Court of Appeal for Ontario. Counsel for the applicants proposed a “declaration plus” remedy, meaning that not only could the court declare that Ontario’s Target was inadequate and violated the applicants’ Charter rights, but it could also supervise Ontario’s steps to remedy the violation.17
The applicants relied for this proposed remedy on Professor Kent Roach, Remedies for Human Rights Violations: A Two Track Approach to Supra-national and Domestic Law.18 In his book, Professor Roach describes a world “rich in rights and poor in remedies.”19 The “declaration plus” remedy has the potential to strike a balance between ensuring that a court does not exceed its competence while at the same time providing a safeguard that the required institutional reform will happen.
Mathur and La Rose are developing and clarifying the law in what is for Canada a new type of claim. They provide valuable guidance to future potential claimants on how to frame their claims. For example, at least at this stage and subject to further appeals, the scope of justiciability in these kinds of climate change cases in Canada is now clearer. One possible outcome of this increased clarity is that courts might be less inclined to conflate remedies and justiciability at the motion to strike stage. Even more noteworthy in our view are some strong comments made by the Mathur and La Rose courts about section 7 of the Charter and positive rights. In both cases the courts suggested that the current and potential effects of climate change may present “special circumstances” that could justify the imposition of positive obligations under section 7 of the Charter.20 Future potential claimants will need to grapple with how to properly frame a positive rights claim, including—as suggested by the Mathur court—potential modifications to the section 7 test to support such a claim.
- Mathur v His Majesty the King in Right of Ontario, 2023 ONSC 2316 [Mathur].
- La Rose v Canada, 2023 FCA 241 [La Rose FCA].
- Mathur, supra note 1 at para 120.
- Ibid at para 138.
- Ibid.
- La Rose FCA, supra note 2 at para 46; La Rose v Canada, 2020 FC 1008 at paras 39-41 [La Rose FC].
- La Rose FCA, supra note 2 at paras 130, 133. The section 15 Charter claim was not successful.
- Ibid at para 133.
- Ibid.
- Ibid.
- Ibid at para 134.
- Ibid at para 46, citing La Rose FC, supra note 6 at paras 8-10, 40, 46.
- La Rose FCA, supra note 2 at para 51.
- Ibid at paras 46-48; Khadr v Canada (Prime Minister), 2010 SCC 3.
- Lorne Sossin, Boundaries of Judicial Review: The Law of Justiciability in Canada, 2nd ed (Toronto: Carswell, 2012) at 247.
- Ibid at 216.
- This information is derived from the livestreamed appeal hearing.
- Kent Roach, Remedies for Human Rights Violations: A Two Track Approach to Supra-national and Domestic Law (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2021).
- For a summary of a roundtable discussion of Professor Roach’s proposed “declaration plus” remedy, see Duncan Crabtree, “Roundtable: Professor Kent Roach’s Vision for Human Rights Remedies,” (last visited 7 February 2024), online (blog): <ihrp.law.utoronto.ca/roundtable-professor-kent-roachs-vision-human-rights-remedies> [perma.cc/E7B8-FHPB].
- La Rose FCA, supra note 2 at para 116; Mathur, supra note 1 at para 138.
The Feminist “Third Way”: Bypassing Animal Reform Law’s Personhood/Property Debate in Maneesha Deckha’s “Fifty Years of Taking Exception to Human Exceptionalism: The Feminist-Inspired Theoretical Diversification of Animal Law Amidst Enduring Themes”
The Feminist “Third Way”: Bypassing Animal Reform Law’s Personhood/Property Debate in Maneesha Deckha’s “Fifty Years of Taking Exception to Human Exceptionalism: The Feminist-Inspired Theoretical Diversification of Animal Law Amidst Enduring Themes”
By: Rachel De Graaf, Lewis & Clark Law School
For more on this topic, see Maneesha’s article in issue 46:1 of the Dalhousie Law Journal.
Maneesha Deckha’s “Fifty Years of Taking Exception to Human Exceptionalism: The Feminist-Inspired Theoretical Diversification of Animal Law Amidst Enduring Themes,”1 recently published in Dalhousie Law Journal’s special symposium volume 46(1), surveys the developmental course of Animal Reform Law (“ARL”) in English-speaking Canada over the past fifty years. Deckha elucidates the academic discourse that has grappled with formulating the most effective legal model to prompt positive change for animals. She demonstrates that recent feminist-inspired contributions have produced alternative legal frameworks that seek to displace human exceptionalism and anthropocentrism. The feminist contributions sidestep the personhood-property debate that is characteristic of earlier ARL discourse and carve out a “third way” that takes refuge in neither the personhood nor the property camp. This blog post summarizes these contributions.
The Personhood-Property Dilemma
The personhood-property debate has stalled momentum in ARL. Canadian law categorizes animals as property, and the personhood-property debate centres on whether reform should work within this categorization or seek to attain legal personhood for animals. Working within the property status would allow for welfarist changes aimed at improving the living conditions of animals. While such reforms are feasible in the current legal and political climate, they do not prevent new modes of animal oppression because they do not disrupt the current system. To eradicate this system of animal oppression, some ARL scholars have theorized that the law must change to view animals as rights-bearing legal subjects. That is, animals must obtain legal personhood. However, such a drastic change is unattainable in the current legal atmosphere.2 Focus on this personhood-property dilemma in ARL distracts from possible alternative paths to animal-friendly legal reform.
The Feminist “Third Way”
Over the last twenty years, feminist theory has featured heavily in ARL reactions to the personhood-property debate. A mix of liberal, ecofeminist, postcolonial, and posthumanist strands of feminist analysis have produced alternative paths toward animal-friendly legal reform. Deckha articulates such feminist contributions, which tackle head-on ARL’s concern with sameness arguments that favour honourary humans—namely apes, cetaceans, and elephants. Feminist scholars have attempted to erase human benchmarks, instead highlighting alternative principles that should underlie the legal framework that reflects, defines, and structures the relationship between animals and humans. These feminist models are predicated on theories of capabilities, human duties, and social membership. They are not interested in attaining personhood for animals, but rather attempt to avoid using the human sameness logic and anthropocentrism that colour the personhood-property conversation. Shifting focus away from what makes animals like humans opens the door to more inclusive reform.
I) Capabilities Theory
The capabilities approach seeks to observe human development and to foster human flourishing by enabling people to carry out the functions that are important to human beings, such as play, rest, and companionship. In the context of ARL, capabilities theory prompts the question: what do animals need to flourish and thrive? It is not a matter of which practices cause the least harm but of which conditions are conducive to a dignified life. The elements of a dignified life will vary from being to being and from individual to individual. The capabilities approach that emphasizes dignity does not assimilate dignity and rights, nor does it seek to disturb animals’ legal classification as property. In this way, it sidesteps the personhood-property debate.
Some feminist scholars have noted limits to the dignities approach to capabilities theory, instead proffering an approach focused on vulnerability. This vulnerability model, termed “Equal Protection of Animals,” borrows from the concept of American “Equal Protection,” which discourages drawing distinctions between individuals based on differences that do not impact governmental objectives. Here, vulnerability refers to the changing needs of individuals during their lifetime, and a legal system that accounts for such fluid needs would necessarily be oriented around providing concrete means of meeting these needs. The vulnerability model acknowledges that animals, like humans, can be harmed. It acknowledges that current legal norms enable humans to commodify animals, thereby exacerbating their vulnerable state. Furthermore, this approach declines to grant animals who have more human-like capacities greater protections. Rather, it posits that the law should account for the basic capabilities of all sentient beings, and in this way, it firmly integrates American “Equal Protection” into the capabilities model.
II) The Duties-Based Model
Other feminist scholars have theorized an end to animal exploitation not by emphasizing proposed animal rights, but by emphasizing humans’ duty to care for animals. Scholars who subscribe to this orientation hold that even if the property status of animals is abolished, animals will not necessarily be protected from human exploitation. Imposing positive duties on humans to respect animals’ autonomy would ensure more expansive protection. Such a conferral of duties would not require the legal recognition of animal personhood.
The duties-based model questions the basis of human assumptions that they can rightly and justifiably cause harm to animals. As a result, sameness arguments and human benchmarks fall to the wayside. Proponents of the duties-based model do not assume that sentience is a prerequisite for care, as do many proponents of the capabilities approach. Drawing such lines—and employing anthropocentric reasoning to determine which animals matter more—disregards the imbricated nature of life on earth and the diversity found therein.
III) The Labour Model and Social Membership
A rights-favouring pathway has emerged over the past decade. Some feminist scholars have avoided the personhood-property dilemma by focusing heavily on animal rights. They justify such rights by pointing to animals’ innate moral worth and the family and labour contributions that they make to society. Scholars first proposed social membership rights in the context of companion animals but have since extended them to animals used for labour, that is, animals used for farming and research. Recognizing animals used for labour as “workers” in a social sense could enable recognition of the rights that attend worker status, thereby fostering a cooperative mindset in humans.
Some are critical of the labour model due to its inseverable link to capitalism and the associated fixation on mass output. Additionally, some proponents of the social membership model are alive to the possibility that such reasoning may assume that animals used for labour consent to their position as labourers when, in reality, it is impossible to know whether or not they consent to this role. However, they maintain that certain animal labour may foster animals’ ability to flourish. They argue that labour rights would entitle animals to certain protections by addressing issues such as working conditions and life after retirement.
Beingness
Deckha’s own postcolonial ecofeminist work in ARL casts a critical eye on the pride of place that the Canadian legal system gives to reason. The Canadian legal system employs the human benchmark of complex reasoning in order to dictate who deserves legal recognition and protection. Emphasizing reason so heavily makes it difficult to account for the diversity of animals. To counteract the exclusionary effects of such a benchmark, Deckha proposes the legal subjectivity of “beingness” for animals, which would provide protection by accounting for animals’ embodiment, vulnerability, and relationality. In her book, Animals as Legal Beings: Contesting Anthropocentric Legal Orders,3 Deckha expounds the alternative of beingness to personhood and property.
- Maneesha Deckha, “Fifty Years of Taking Exception to Human Exceptionalism: The Feminist-Inspired Theoretical Diversification of Animal Law Amidst Enduring Themes” (2023) 46:1 Dal LJ, online: <digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2220&context=dlj> [perma.cc/EHC2-U7UK].
- Will Kymlicka, “Social Membership: Animal Law Beyond the Property/Personhood Impasse” (2017) 40:1 Dal LJ 123, at 124-125, online:<digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2087&context=dlj> [perma.cc/8DHS-K839].
- Maneesha Deckha, Animals as Legal Beings: Contesting Anthropocentric Legal Orders (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021).
Shifting to a New Trade Policy Paradigm: the US Inflation Reduction Act
Shifting to a New Trade Policy Paradigm: The US Inflation Reduction Act
By: Professor J Anthony Vanduzer, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa
Introduction
The WTO and other trade treaties have underpinned globalization of economic activity following World War II by reducing barriers to trade and securing market access.1 In the wake of the financial crisis in 2007 and, more recently, production and delivery delays flowing from the COVID-19 pandemic, spikes in fuel and food prices caused by the war in Ukraine, and geo-political shifts (especially the trade war between the US and China), concerns regarding the costs and skepticism regarding the benefits of globalization have become widespread. In particular, security concerns, broadly conceived, are shifting how countries think about the interdependence of their economies that flows from globalization. In turn, changing views regarding globalization are profoundly affecting trade policy in some countries. Traditional trade priorities like expanding market access in a non-discriminatory way are being subordinated to security concerns and the promotion of domestic economies through industrial policy.
Nowhere is this more evident than in the 2022 US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), the centre-piece of the Biden Administration’s climate policy. The IRA provides massive subsidies to support US transition to a zero-carbon economy. But subsidies to US consumers who buy electric vehicles and other kinds of “clean” vehicles (“Clean Vehicle Subsidies”) are only available to vehicles that meet minimum thresholds for content from the US and some other countries. These features are primarily intended to encourage investment in the US and boost US jobs and are contrary to the basic non-discrimination norms of the multilateral trading system.
China’s supply chain dominance motivated the Clean Vehicle Subsidies in the IRA
Why do the Clean Vehicle Subsidies take the form they do? To ensure that US consumers have American made clean vehicles to buy, US industry needs secure access to the batteries they require. The challenge for the US is that China dominates supply chains for clean vehicle batteries and the critical minerals, like cobalt and lithium, that are essential to build them. China has major investments in critical mineral-producing countries world-wide and has a strangle-hold on supply. China is also dominant in the refining and processing of critical minerals and the largest producer of battery components. The US and its allies, by contrast, have few critical minerals deposits, limited capacity to refine and process them, and relatively few battery production plants.
The concentration of clean vehicle supply chains in China means that the supply of minerals and technology essential to carbon transition is at risk from local events in China, like flooding as seen recently. But the more important risk, however, is from state action, such as restrictions on critical mineral exports—a strategy that China has engaged in the past as recently as this year. Congress passed the IRA with the goal, in part, of reducing US dependence on China for components of the clean energy supply chain.2
The IRA Clean Vehicle Subsidies
How does the IRA reduce dependence on China? The Clean Vehicle Subsidies are only available for vehicles that are assembled in North America and meet content requirements for their batteries and the critical minerals in them that favour the US as well as Canada, Mexico and to a lesser extent, other countries with which the US has a free trade agreement. To be eligible for the subsidies, 40% of the critical minerals in vehicle batteries must have been extracted or processed in the US or a country that has a free trade agreement with the US or recycled in North America. The sourcing percentage for critical minerals will increase to 80% by 2027. As well, 50% of the vehicle battery components must be produced or assembled in North America. This percentage increases to 100% by 2029. By 2024, a vehicle cannot have battery components manufactured or assembled by a Chinese entity. Beginning in 2025, qualifying vehicles’ batteries cannot contain critical minerals extracted, processed, or recycled by a Chinese entity.
These conditions on the availability of Clean Vehicle Subsidies are meant to shift critical minerals extraction and processing, battery production, and clean vehicle production away from China and to the US and some of its allies. One goal is arguably environmental. The US needs resilient supply chains to secure access to inputs for the production of clean vehicles. But the Clean Vehicle Subsidies also seek to encourage the reorganization of supply chains for reasons that have nothing to do with the environment or climate change, such as:
- enhancing US economic competitiveness in clean vehicles and components by attracting investment in clean vehicle manufacturing, battery production, and critical minerals extraction and processing and boosting US jobs;
- improving the position of the US in its geo-political competition with China; and
- protecting US national security.
International reaction to the Clean Vehicle Subsidies
When the IRA was first announced, a number of key US trading partners, including the EU, Japan, and China, reacted very negatively. One obvious concern was that Clean Vehicles Subsidies would not be available to clean vehicles manufactured in countries outside North America, impairing the competitive position of clean vehicle exports to the US market and encouraging the shift of investment in final assembly to North America. Investment in North American battery production will also be encouraged.
The incentives to invest in the US are especially strong because there are additional IRA subsidies for US battery production. Canada, a beneficiary of most of the preferences in the Clean Vehicle Subsidies, was concerned that the IRA would make the US the preferred North American destination for investment in the clean vehicle supply chain. Some countries, including Canada, have responded by adopting significant domestic subsidy programs, raising concerns about the risk of a subsidy war, including non-WTO compliant subsidies.
Conclusion
The IRA overall is undoubtedly an “historic commitment to build a clean energy economy.”3 But the discriminatory features of the Clean Vehicle Subsidies are motivated more by a US desire to secure supply chains for critical minerals, batteries, and clean vehicles with substantially reduced participation of China than carbon transition. The discriminatory design of the Clean Vehicle Subsidies is partly to ensure the resilience of these supply chains in the interests of securing access to the inputs needed for US clean vehicle production, but it is also to promote domestic economic growth and security and advance US geo-political aims in relation to China. The US has never before made subsidies contingent on local content requirements. These overtly discriminatory features of the Clean Vehicle Subsidies are not consistent with WTO rules. They strongly confirm America’s drift away from respect for the WTO rules and toward a discriminatory “America First” industrial policy. Indeed, the Clean Vehicle Subsidies demonstrate the emergence of a new paradigm for US trade policy in which considerations related to security, economic security and geo-politics take precedence over traditional trade policy priorities, setting a worrying precedent for the future of the rules-based multilateral trading system.
- J Anthony VanDuzer, “A Canadian Perspective on Fifty Years of International Economic Law” (2023) 46:1 Dal LJ 441, online: <digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2213&context=dlj> [perma.cc/6PRD-ALW7].
- The White House, Building a Clean Energy Economy: A Guidebook to the Inflation Reduction Act’s Investments in Clean Energy and Climate Action (Washington: The White House, 2023) at 26, online: <www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Inflation-Reduction-Act-Guidebook.pdf > [perma.cc/PF6E-VM6N].
- Ibid at 2.
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